Written by: Boy Tri Rizky. Reading Time: Approx. 7 minutes. Published: 3rd July 2026
Indonesia is a multilingual country with more than 700 languages. This linguistic diversity was one of the reasons why, even before independence, Indonesia, then known as the Dutch East Indies, needed a lingua franca. Malay fulfilled this function and later became the basis for Indonesian as the national language. Under Dutch colonial rule, the islands that now form Indonesia were brought together by colonial power rather than by a shared history as a unified nation. As a result, there was no long-standing sense of national unity that could easily resolve the question of which language should become the national language (Paauw 2009).
As an Indonesian, I also grew up bilingually. My mother tongue is Indonesian, because I was born and raised in Jakarta. At the same time, I also grew up with Palembang Malay, my mother’s first language. At home, my mother often spoke Palembang Malay. I can understand the language very well, but I am not very confident when I have to speak it myself. In Jakarta, I also know many people who grew up bilingual or even multilingual, usually with Indonesian and one or more regional languages. However, this raises an important question: are regional languages really seen as valuable by people in Indonesia?
In his work, Goebel (2024) argues that there is a language hierarchy in Indonesia. English is positioned as an elite language, usually associated with well-educated people. Indonesian is seen as the “normal” language, while regional languages, such as Javanese, Balinese, and many others, are often placed lower in the hierarchy.
Although many Indonesians grow up bilingual or multilingual, they do not always see this as a gift. In 2024, I posted content about language hierarchy in Indonesia on Instagram (https://www.instagram.com/p/DDa9i_KIkt4/) . The post went viral and reached 725k views. It also received 527 comments, many of which contained personal stories about people’s experiences with regional languages. Some of the comments were especially interesting:
English: My children have spoken in Krama Inggil (Javanese) since they first started learning to talk. Everything was fine until they entered school and had to communicate with their friends. They were even bullied and told that the way they spoke sounded strange. The ironic thing is, we live in a village environment. Even some elders said that children should be used to speaking Indonesian from an early age so they won’t have difficulties later.
English: I’m actually one of those people. I feel really embarrassed when I speak Indonesian with a regional accent. I really want to get rid of my regional accent, haha.
English: I’ve met people who pretend not to understand their own local language just to look cool in their friend communities.
These comments are very interesting because they show that some people do not feel advantaged by speaking a regional language. This is striking, because multilingualism is usually seen as something positive. However, in Indonesia, multilingual people, especially those who speak both Indonesian and a regional language, may sometimes feel disadvantaged because of their regional language background. In Jakarta, I have often observed similar situations. Many people feel that their regional language influences the way they speak Indonesian, especially through a noticeable accent. As a result, they may feel that it is more difficult for them to integrate into wider society.
This phenomenon can be related to the concept of plebeian multilingualism. Jaspers’s study, as cited in Vogl (2012), shows that language is closely connected to social identity. The concept distinguishes between two types of multilingualism: prestige multilingualism and plebeian multilingualism.
Prestige multilingualism refers to the kind of multilingualism often associated with highly educated speakers who master several standard Western European languages. This type of multilingualism is usually used in contact with foreigners and is often seen as valuable, prestigious, and modern. However, it may have little influence on the everyday language practices of the speaker.
Plebeian multilingualism, on the other hand, refers to the use of several languages by people who often live in urban, multiethnic environments and may come from less privileged social backgrounds. It is often associated with first-, second-, or third-generation migrants whose linguistic repertoires include national languages, minority languages, or non-standard varieties. In simple terms, plebeian multilingualism is multilingualism that is not always considered valuable in the eyes of society.
If we bring this concept into the Indonesian context, we can see that the ability to speak English is often treated as prestige multilingualism. People who can speak English are praised, seen as intelligent, and associated with good education. However, people who speak Indonesian and a regional language do not always receive the same recognition. In some situations, regional language skills are seen as ordinary, unimportant, or even embarrassing.
This is where the paradox of multilingualism in Indonesia becomes visible. On the one hand, Indonesia is proud to call itself a country rich in languages. Regional languages are often celebrated in cultural slogans, festivals, and ceremonial events. On the other hand, in everyday life, many speakers of regional languages feel that their languages are not valued enough. They know their regional language, but they are not always proud to use it. They understand the language of their family, but they do not always want to pass it on to their children.
In my opinion, the problem is not the regional languages themselves, but the way society gives value to languages. When English is seen as cool, Indonesian as normal, and regional languages as backward or rural, we are actually creating a hierarchy of identities. We are not only judging languages; we are also judging people based on the languages they use.
I myself used to be in that position. I did not see Palembang Malay as something special. I only saw it as my mother’s language, the language of home, and the language of my family. But now I have started to see it differently. Palembang Malay is not just a tool for communication. It is part of my family history, part of my relationship with my mother, and part of my identity as an Indonesian who grew up in a multilingual space.
Perhaps it is time for us to rethink the way we view regional languages. Regional languages are not obstacles to becoming modern. Regional accents are not something that must be erased. The ability to understand and use a regional language is not a weakness, but part of a linguistic richness that not everyone has.
Multilingualism in Indonesia should not only be celebrated when someone can speak English, German, French, or other foreign languages. Multilingualism should also be celebrated when someone can speak Indonesian and their regional language. It should be celebrated when someone understands the language of their mother, their grandmother, their village, or the language used within their family.
Because in the end, language is not only about communication. Language is memory, identity, intimacy, and a way of understanding the world. And perhaps the regional language that we once considered not very useful actually carries one of the most personal parts of who we are.
References:
Goebel, Zane (2024): Unity, diversity and the market: Television representations of multilingual diversity in Jakarta. In: Hajek, John (Eds.): Multilingualism and Pluricentricity: A Tale of Many Cities: De Gruyter, 81-98.
Paauw, Scott (2009): One Land, One Nation, One Language: An Analysis of Indonesia’s National Language Policy. In: UNIVERSITY OF ROCHESTER WORKING PAPERS IN THE LANGUAGE SCIENCES (5) 1, 2-16.
Vogl, Ulrike (2012): Multilingualism in a Standards Language Culture. In: Hüning, Matthias/Vogl, Ulrike/Moliner, Olivier (Eds.): Standard languages and multilingualism in European history. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Pub. Co, 1-42.